The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was seen as among the most powerful occupants of the vice-presidency in American history. Whereas numerous second-in-commands were confined to marginal or ceremonial roles, Cheney wielded enormous sway during the administration of George W Bush, so much so that he was frequently described as the "actual president".
Bush resented this portrayal and stated the dynamic was more complicated. He observed that Cheney was deferential, consistently referring to him in official appearances as the President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush questioned even descriptions of their partnership as a team because it suggested that they were equals. Despite such protestations, Cheney viewed the laidback president malleable on a wide array of governmental choices.
The Post-9/11 Era
At the head of a contingent of neo-conservatives that included Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been taking part in a meeting at a educational institution in Florida. While Bush traveled to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, commanding the destruction of any non-communicating planes nearing the US Capitol.
Cheney said the strikes altered his perspective, causing him to be intent on retribution. Along with other conservative figures, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a takeover of Afghanistan in an effort to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the invasion of Iraq, even though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Debated Decisions
He showed no remorse about the military campaign, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis perished, and not about the enhanced interrogation of suspects rounded up after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was founded on inaccurate information echoed by Cheney, was the correct decision. "It proved to be the right thing to do then. I was convinced then and I maintain that stance today."
Yet even at the time, there were dissenting voices at a top tier about the poor management of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the role. "I witnessed, at the very least," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, inaction, and unaccountability: in the worst case, falsehoods, ineptitude, and corruption."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely accountable for the Iraq military action. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for such action. He had composed a memo setting out situations in which US concerns might be compromised (including "access to vital raw materials, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the US should be prepared to operate alone when cooperative measures cannot be arranged," specifically mentioning defense operations against Iraq.
Bush also had assumed the Oval Office vaguely intent on implementing what his father had famously refused to do in 1991; remove Saddam. After he had been sacked by the White House, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his plan of diminishing America's engagement in the regional tensions and mooted defense operations against Iraq.
Bush held a individual resentment against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a scheme to assassinate his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally disliked that one of the most prominent hotels in Baghdad had a floor mural with a image of his predecessor's countenance that each person had to step on.
Questioning Techniques
But it was Cheney who was one of the most vociferous advocating striking Iraq, consistently quoting intelligence reports that were either thin or completely misleading. He backed what the Bush government politely called as "enhanced interrogation", the use of simulated drowning and torture.
Addressing a Senate analysis in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had been obtained through the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "loaded with crap". He informed Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to implement measures and establish procedures to apprehend the perpetrators who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it was not repeated. That's exactly what they did and they merit a lot of credit."
Public Persona
Cheney took pleasure in labels imposed on him by critics such as the Star Wars villain and the sinister presence, and by the notion that he was a sinister influence directing Bush. In the author's 2013 publication about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Is it me who is the evil genius in the background that remains unseen come out of his lair? It's a nice way to function, truthfully."
Corporate Connections
Dispute over his corporate affiliations accompanied him during his tenure as second-in-command. Even though he had limited background in business but good contacts in defence, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas companies, in 1995 as chairman and top executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's running mate for the White House. Contentiously, during the military campaign, Halliburton was awarded US deals worth multiple billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly earnings during his period at the firm increased from his previous salary while defence secretary to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a severance arrangement valued at more than $20m|twenty
